In the course of the past several years, socio-political scene in Kosovo was marked by several events that have long-term implications on the Kosovo society as a whole. This article refers to several of those moments that indicate the state Kosovo’s in today.
The biggest change took place on February 17, 2008 when the Assembly of Kosovo unilaterally declared the independence based on the Martti Ahtisaari plan. Actually, this plan was not adopted by the United Nations Security Council. Subsequently, the Assembly went on to adopt the Constitution, which came into force on june 15, 2008. Ever since then, Kosovo has stayed on the path of democratic development and in this process, the International Civilian Office (ICO) was given the task of proposing which way to go. This mission completed its term on September 10, 2012, while Kosovo has remained on the path to international recognition.
Given Kosovo’s low economic potential, an international donor conference was held on july 11 2008, where pledges were made for 1,236 billion €, intended for further democratic and political development. Due to the global financial crisis, most industrialized countries’ budget cuts, underdeveloped mechanisms for implementation of different projects and low administrative capacity of government employees, the actual amount of funds that have so far reached Kosovo is far lower than the one that had been intended. That is one of the reasons that cotributes to the hostility between ethnic groups.
At the moment, the Ahtisaari plan is the best political solution for peaceful coexistence and democratic development. The Government of Kosovo adheres to it is for the most part and so does the majority of the Serbian population living south of the Ibar river, which actively participates in the political development. However, the greatest challenge to the full implementation of this plan is the fact that neither Serbian government, nor the Serbs living in northern Kosovo, who are in charge on that part of the territory, have accepted the plan. Mitrovica was formally divided in 1999, although the division had been evident long before that. The citizens were reluctant to pass from one side to the other, although several safer crossings points were used. Present overall security situation is much better and political pressures have subsided, but people still do not want to stay too long at the other side. However, about 70,000 Albanian citizens live in the southern part of Mitrovca, while some 30,000 Serbs live in northern Mitrovica.
Over the past three years, huge steps were taken in the legal field. Nonetheless, the implementation of the new laws has still remained rather ineffective. In 2009, some positive steps were taken in child protection, while the appointment of the Ombudsman meant an improvement towards democratic and civil development of the society. Despite all these changes, poverty and inequality are widespread in Kosovo. According to the World Bank data, the poverty level has not dropped in the last 5 years. Almost 45% of people still live in poverty while 16% live in extreme poverty. Unless these challenges are soon address, the citizens of Kosovo will have a grim future.
Internally displaced persons and refugees still cannot fully exercise their rights. The international community and Kosovo officials have not found an adequate solution to this problem yet. Local Albanian population is mostly opposed to the return of Serbs. Those who choose to return to their homes are subjected to frequent attacks and threats, and general safety is in question. These conflicts are often motivated by unresolved issues concerning land ownership. Due to the bad economic situation, those who can, sell their property thus managing to survive. The constant conflicts and disagreements indicate that local authorities are in a bad state and essentially undermine efforts made in the direction of democratic development. There is both institutional and social discrimination against other minorities as well like roma, Ashkali, Bosniaks, Gorani and Egyptians when it comes to education, employment, social services, language use, freedom of movement, the right of return and other fundamental rights and freedoms. Members of these communities are constantly exposed to economic discrimination, living in rather poor hygienic conditions, often without basic health insurance and completely dependent on international aid. According to the data provided by UNHCR, by the end of 2011, there were 18.196 internally displaced persons, 54% of whom were Serbs and 40% were Albanians. 1,000 people of those 4,100 who were displaced in the 2004 riots, still have not returned to their homes. In the period between 2000 and july 2012, there were 9.947 registered returnees. Although the legal framework is in place, its implementation has failed and all minorities, especially Serbian, are facing difficult challenges. The media scene has not advanced much and has shared the same fate as other socio-political aspects of a developing society. TV channel in Serbian language, with Kosovo-wide coverage still does not broadcast. The media have a lot of problems to obtain information from both the authorities and other public institutions. Only a few print media are financially viable and able to resist political and economic interests of certain groups and to develop a critical view towards political events. Journalists have often received threats from politicians and criminal groups, and then, for the sake of survival the only solution is self-censorship. Most journalists restrain themselves and do not want to engage in investigative journalism for fear of losing their job and personal security. Furthermore, some journalists, too are corrupt, but also faced with threats after publishing non-biased articles. There are plenty of examples like these, and they are frequently covered by articles of Kosovo Action Network.
Development of democratic governance in Kosovo is guided by the european perspective and Kosovo’s ambition to join the eU, as soon as possible. Some complex administrative reforms aiming to improve the efficiency of central and local institutions and wage a fierce battle against corruption are under way. The participation of civil society, women’s empowerment and their participation in politics and at the places where key decisions are being made, transparency of the work of Kosovo officials as well as responsibility, all remain below an acceptable level.
The absence of sustainable economic development deeply undermines the development of the rule of law in Kosovo. Until now, the economy has been developing due to foreign support and the fact that a large part of the workforce is employed by local and international organizations.Ever since 1999, widely spread corruption and nepotism, regular conflicts between parties and interest groups regarding the drafting of laws and their implementation, dysfunctional relationships between institutions at the municipal level, as well as those between local and international institution, have all been an unfortunate certainty of Kosovo’s public life. Counterproductive relations extend to both central and local administration.
The reason that somewhat complicates the democratic development of Kosovo is the absence of full international recognition. In any case, the road to membership in the United Nations is long, and the membership alone will not help much unless political elites understand what kind of changes citizens of Kosovo need. Until then, human rights, democratic development and the rule of law remain insurmountable challenges for the entire Kosovo society.
Bojan Veselić